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Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis

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This resulted after comparing competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as normal. In an effort to explain how that decision came about, this paper reviews some historical scientific Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I and DSM-II as well as alternative theories that eventually led to its removal from DSM III and subsequent editions of the manual.

The paper concludes with a discussion of the sociocultural aftermath of that decision.

In , the American Psychiatric...

This resulted after comparing competing theories, those that pathologized homosexuality and those that viewed it as normal [ 3456 ]. In an effort to explain how that decision came about, this paper reviews some historical scientific theories and arguments that first led to the placement of homosexuality in DSM-I [ 7 ] and DSM-II [ 8 ], as well as alternative theories, that eventually led to its removal from DSM III [ 9 ] and subsequent editions of the manual [ 10111213 ].

It is possible to formulate a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality throughout modern history in which they generally fall into three broad categories: The presence of atypical gender behavior or feelings are symptoms of the disease or disorder to which mental health professionals need to attend.

These theories hold that some internal defect or external pathogenic agent causes homosexuality and that such events can occur pre- or postnatally i. Theories of pathology tend to view homosexuality as a sign of a defect, or even as morally bad, with some of these theorists being quite open about their belief that homosexuality is a social evil. Still, though I have no bias, I would say: Homosexuals are essentially disagreeable people, regardless of their pleasant or unpleasant outward manner These theories, usually psychoanalytic in nature, regard expressions of homosexual feelings or behavior at a young age as a normal step toward the development of adult heterosexuality [ 1920 ].

Ideally, homosexuality should just be a passing phase that one outgrows. These theories Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis homosexuality as a phenomenon that occurs naturally [ 212223 Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis, 24 ]. Such theories typically regard homosexual individuals as born different, but it is a natural difference affecting a minority of people, like left-handedness. As "Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis" theories equate the normal with the natural, they define homosexuality as good or, at baseline, neutral.

Such theories see no Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis for homosexuality in a psychiatric diagnostic manual. People express gender beliefs, their own and those of the culture in which they live, in everyday language as they either indirectly or explicitly accept and assign gendered meanings to what they and others do, think, and feel.

Gender beliefs are embedded in questions about what career a woman should pursue and, at another level of discourse, what it would mean if a professional woman were to forego rearing children or pursue a career more aggressively than a man.

to understand how homosexuality became...

Gender beliefs are usually based upon gender binaries. It should be noted that binaries are not confined to popular usage. Many scientific studies of homosexuality contain implicit and often explicit binary gender beliefs as well. For example, the intersex hypothesis of homosexuality [ 2627 ] maintains that the brains of homosexual individuals Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis characteristics that would be considered more typical of the other sex.

Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis essentialist gender belief implicit in the intersex hypotheses is that an attraction to women is a masculine trait, which in the case of Sigmund Freud [ 28 ], for example also see belowled to his theory that lesbians have a masculine psychology. Gender beliefs usually only allow for the existence of two sexes. To maintain this gender binary, most cultures traditionally insisted that every individual be assigned to the category of either man or woman at birth and that individuals conform to the category to which they have been assigned thereafter.

Rigid gender beliefs usually flourish in fundamentalist, religious communities where any information or alternative explanations that might challenge implicit and explicit assumptions are unwelcome. When entering the realms of gender and sexuality, it is not unusual to encounter another form of binary thinking: When one recognizes the narrative forms of these theories, some of the moral judgments and beliefs embedded in each of them become clearer. Eventually, religious categories like demonic possession, drunkennessand sodomy were transformed into the scientific categories of insanity, alcoholismand homosexuality.

Thus, the modern history of homosexuality usually begins in the midth century, most notably with the writings of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs [ 21 ]. Trained in law, theology, and Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis, he might be considered an early gay rights advocate who wrote a "Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis" of political tracts criticizing German laws criminalizing same sex relationships between men.

Kertbeny put forward his theory that homosexuality was inborn and unchangeable, arguments that it was a normal variation, as a counterweight against the condemnatory moralizing attitudes that led to the passage of sodomy laws. Psychopathia Sexualis would presage many of the pathologizing assumptions regarding human sexuality in psychiatric diagnostic manuals of the midth century.

In contrast, Magnus Hirschfeld [ 38 ], also a Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis psychiatrist, offered a normative view of homosexuality. As he believed everyone is born with bisexual tendencies, expressions of homosexuality could be a normal phase of heterosexual development.

This belief made him pessimistic about efforts to change a homosexual orientation to a heterosexual one: Rado claimed, in contrast to Freud, neither innate bisexuality nor normal homosexuality existed. Moor [ 44 ]; Tripp [ 45 ]. In the midth century American psychiatry was greatly influenced at the time by these psychoanalytic perspectives.

Consequently, inwhen APA published the first edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual DSM-I [ 7 ], it listed all the conditions psychiatrists then considered to be a mental disorder. Psychiatrists and other clinicians drew conclusions from a skewed sample of patients seeking treatment for homosexuality or other difficulties and then wrote up their findings Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis this self-selected group as case reports.

Some theories about homosexuality were based on studies of prison populations. Sexologists, on the other hand, did field Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis in which they went out and recruited large numbers of non-patient subjects in the general population.

The most important research in this area was that of Alfred Kinsey and his collaborators, published in two headline-generating reports [ 2223 ]. This finding was sharply at odds with psychiatric claims of the time that homosexuality was extremely rare in the general population.

In the late s, Evelyn Hooker [ 24 ], a psychologist, published a study in which she compared psychological test results of 30 gay men with 30 heterosexual controls, none of whom were psychiatric Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis. Her study found no more signs of psychological disturbances in the gay male group, a finding that refuted psychiatric beliefs of her time that all gay men had severe psychological disturbances. American psychiatry mostly ignored this growing body of sex research and, in the case of Kinsey, expressed extreme hostility to findings that contradicted their own theories [ 48 ].

Other gay activists, however, forcefully rejected the pathological model as a major contributor to the stigma associated with homosexuality. It was this latter "Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis" that brought modern sex research theories to the attention of APA.

Proposed Change in DSM-II, 6th...

In the wake of the Stonewall riots in New York City [ 49 ], gay and lesbian activists, believing psychiatric theories to be a major contributor to anti-homosexual social stigma, disrupted the and annual meetings of the APA. There was also an emerging generational changing of the Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis within APA comprised of younger leaders urging the organization to greater social consciousness [ 2 ]. A very few psychoanalysts like Judd Marmor [ 552 ] were also taking issue with psychoanalytic orthodoxy regarding homosexuality.

However, the most significant catalyst for diagnostic change was gay activism.

Medicalizing Sexual Inversion

Kameny and Gittings returned to speak at the meeting, this time joined by John Fryer, M. Fryer appeared as Dr. While protests and panels took place, APA engaged in an internal deliberative process Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis considering the Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis of whether homosexuality should remain a psychiatric diagnosis. Having arrived at this novel definition of mental Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis, the Nomenclature Committee agreed that homosexuality per se was not one.

Several other APA committees and deliberative bodies then reviewed and accepted their work and recommendations. Psychiatrists from the psychoanalytic community, however, objected to the decision. They petitioned APA to hold a referendum asking the entire membership to vote either in support of or against the BOT decision.

It should be noted that psychiatrists did not vote, as is often reported in the popular press, on whether homosexuality should remain a diagnosis. However they usually neglect to mention that those favoring retention of the diagnosis were the "Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis" who petitioned for a vote in the first Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis. In any event, in the International Astronomical Union voted on whether Pluto was a planet [ 5960 ], demonstrating that even in a hard science like astronomy, interpretation of facts are always filtered through human subjectivity.

SOD regarded homosexuality as an illness if an individual with same-sex attractions found them distressing and wanted to change [ 5657 ]. The new diagnosis legitimized the practice of sexual conversion therapies and presumably justified insurance reimbursement for those interventions as welleven if homosexuality per se was no longer considered an illness. The new diagnosis also allowed for the unlikely possibility that a person unhappy about a heterosexual orientation could seek treatment to become gay [ 61 ].

However, it was obvious to psychiatrists more than a decade later that the inclusion first of SOD, and later EDH, was the result of earlier political compromises and that neither diagnosis met the definition of a disorder in the new nosology.

Otherwise, all kinds of identity disturbances could be considered psychiatric disorders. What about short people unhappy about their height? Why not ego-dystonic masturbation [ 62 ]? In so doing, the APA implicitly accepted a normal variant view of homosexuality in a way that had not been possible fourteen years earlier [ 63 ]. Similar shifts gradually took place in the international mental health community as well.

As a consequence, debates about homosexuality gradually shifted Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis from medicine and psychiatry and into the moral and political realms as religious, governmental, military, media, and educational institutions were deprived of medical or scientific rationalization for discrimination. As a result, cultural attitudes about homosexuality changed in the US and other countries as those who accepted scientific authority on such matters gradually came to accept the normalizing view.

For if homosexuality was no longer considered an illness, and if one did not literally accept biblical prohibitions against it, and if gay people are able and prepared to function as productive citizens, then what is wrong with being gay? Additionally, if there is nothing wrong with being gay, what moral and legal principles should the larger society endorse in helping gay people openly live their lives? National Center for Biotechnology InformationU.

Journal List Behav Sci Basel v. Published online Dec 4. Jack Drescher 1, 2, 3, 4. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Received Oct 26; Accepted Dec 1. This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis the Creative Commons Attribution license http: This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Theories of Homosexuality It is possible to formulate a descriptive typology of etiological theories of homosexuality throughout modern history in which they generally fall into three broad categories: Theories of Immaturity These theories, usually psychoanalytic in nature, regard expressions of homosexual feelings or behavior at a young age as a normal step toward the development of adult heterosexuality [ 1920 ].

Theories of Normal Variation These theories treat homosexuality as a phenomenon that occurs naturally [ 21222324 ]. The APA Decision American psychiatry mostly ignored this growing body of sex research and, in the case of Kinsey, expressed extreme hostility to findings that contradicted their own theories [ Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis ].

Conflicts of Interest The author declares no conflict of interest. Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis.

American Psychiatry and Homosexuality: An interview with Robert L. An interview with Lawrence Hartmann, MD. An interview with Judd Marmor, MD. An interview with Charles Silverstein, PhD. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Proposed Change in DSM-II, 6th Printing, page 44 where homosexuality is listed as an official diagnosis in the section on Sexual deviations.

First published inDSM-II (the American "Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis" of mental disorders) listed homosexuality as a Dsm-ii homosexuality diagnosis disorder. In this, the DSM followed in a long. Thus the fight for the reversal of the APA diagnosis became a focus of the gay rights . II). The DSM II noted that homosexuality by itself did not constitute a.

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